கட்டுரை முக்காவாசி ஆங்கிலத்திலுள்ளது. அதை தமிழாக்க வேண்டும் அல்லது நீக்க வேண்டும்--விஜயராகவன் 11:22, 9 பெப்ரவரி 2007 (UTC)
- 1 வரலாறு
- 1.1 விடுதலை பெறுதலும், இழத்தலும்
- 1.2 1975-1990 போர்
- 1.3 சீடார் புரட்சி (விடுதலைக்கான எழுச்சி)
- 1.4 சிரியப் படைகள் திரும்பிப் போதல்
- 1.5 இசுரேலுடன் மோதுதல்
- 2 அரசியல்
விடுதலை பெறுதலும், இழத்தலும்[தொகு]
இந்நாடு 1942 ஆண்டில் பிரான்சிடம் இருந்து விடுதலை பெற்றது. எனினும் லெபனானின் அண்மைக்கால அரசியல் வரலாறு மிகுந்த ஏற்றத்தாழ்வுகளைக் கொண்டதாகும், எனினும், வாணிபம் மற்றும் முதலீட்டுத் துறையில் இப்பகுதியின் செல்வாக்கு பெற்ற மத்திய நிலையமாக பெய்ரூட் நகரம் இருப்பதால் இடையிடையே வளம் பெருகி இருந்தது.
Lebanon's independence from the French was gradually eroded as many of its leaders sought foreign support from regional and international powers to sustain their roles in Lebanon's politics. In 1976, Syrian troops entered Lebanon under false pretenses to end the civil war; Syrian intervention would eventually erode what was left of Lebanon's independence and turn Lebanon into a warzone to settle regional conflicts. In 2005, Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon took place following Resolution 1559 by the United Nations Security Council.
Until the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War, Beirut, the capital of Lebanon, was noted for its wide boulevards, French-style architecture, and modernity, and was called "the Paris of the Middle East." Lebanon as a whole was known as the Switzerland of the Middle East (Swisra Ash Shark), enjoying a similar conflict-free status as Costa Rica in Central America and (until recently) Uruguay in South America.
- The term "civil war" is not adequate due to the complexity and foreign (Iranian-Israeli-Palestinian-Syrian) military forces role in the 1975-1990 war.
1948 ஆம் ஆண்டில் எழுந்த இசுரேலிய-அராபிய மோதலின் விளைவாக புலம் பெயர்ந்த 110,000 பாலசுத்தீன அகதிகளின் வர நேர்ந்தது. அதன் பின்னர் 1967ல் நிகழ்ந்த இசுரேலிய-அராபியப் போரின் விளைவாக இன்னும் பல அகதிகள் வந்தனர். 1975 ஆம் ஆண்டு வாக்கில் சுமார் 300,000 பாலசுத்தீன வந்துசேர்ந்தனர். By 1975 they numbered more than 300,000 with Yassir Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organization in charge of their political and military activities. During the early 1970s, difficulties arose over the increase of Palestinian refugees in the south. Initially, fighting began between these Palestinians (referred to as "anti-Lebanese militias" by some) and the indigenous Lebanese "leftists" (the communists and socialist parties). As the fighting intensified, the sides involved became more distinct. On one side was the Christian resistance led first by Bachir Gemayel and later by Samir Geagea. The other side comprised a coalition of Palestinian refugees, Sunni Muslim, and Druze forces who were united in their detestation of the 1943 National Pact. The (civil) war left the nation with no effective central government.
சிரியாவின் தலையீடும் ஆட்சிப்பாடும்[தொகு]
In June, 1976 Syria sent 40,000 troops into Lebanon to prevent the Maronite militias from being overrun by Palestinian forces. The fact that Baathist Syrians were fighting against Palestinians was ironic. Together the Syrians and Maronites pushed the Palestinians out of Beirut and into southern Lebanon. Over the next few years, shifting political climates resulted in Syria being allied with the Palestinians and some of the Maronites allied with Israel. Syrian forces remained in Lebanon, effectively dominating its government and occupying the country until 2005.
முதல் இசுரேலிய படையெடுப்பும் ஆட்சிப்பாடும்[தொகு]
Cross-border attacks by Palestinian groups in southern Lebanon against civilians in Israeli territory led to an invasion by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) on March 14, 1978 in what was titled the Litani River Operation. A few days later, the United Nations Security Council passed resolutions 425 and 426, calling for the withdrawal of Israeli forces, and establishing an international peace-keeping force in southern Lebanon, the United Nations Interim Force In Lebanon (UNIFIL). Three months later, on June 13, 1978, Israel completed the withdrawal of its troops, and turned over control of southern Lebanon to the pro-Israelli South Lebanon Army.
இரண்டாவது இசுரேலிய படையெடுப்பும் ஆட்சிப்பாடும்[தொகு]
The PLO's armed forces continued to use Lebanon as a base to attack Israel with rockets and artillery, and on June 6, 1982 Israel again invaded Lebanon with the objective of evicting the PLO. Israeli forces occupied areas from the southern Lebanese border with Israel northward into areas of Beirut. During this invasion the Phalangist militia, under the command of Elie Hobeika, moved into the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, with the knowledge of Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, and committed the first Sabra and Shatila massacre. Israel's plans for Lebanon suffered a severe setback on September 14, 1982, with the assassination of the Phalangist leader and President-elect Bachir Gemayel, who was regarded as secretly sympathetic to Israel.
Israel finally withdrew from the "security zone" in the spring of 2000, under the Prime Minister Ehud Barak, who formerly ruled over the security zone as Chief of Staff. Israel continues to control a small area called Shebaa Farms, which Lebanon and Syria claim to be Lebanese territory but Israel insists to be former Syrian territory with the same status as the Golan Heights. The United Nations has determined that Shebaa Farms is not part of Lebanon. The UN Secretary-General concluded that, as of 16 June, 2000, Israel had withdrawn its forces from Lebanon in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 425 of 1978, bringing, in the UN's opinion, closure to the 1982 invasion.
Despite common belief, there has been no formal declaration of war between Lebanon and Israel throughout the past conflicts, although on 13 July 2006 officials in both countries called recent engagements "act[s] of war". The two countries do not maintain any open ties and rely on third parties to be intermediaries in any disputes.
அனைத்துலக தீர்வுகாணும் முயற்சிகள்[தொகு]
This period saw the rise of radicalism among the country's factions, and a number of landmark terrorist attacks against American forces, including the destruction of the US Embassy by a truck bomb and an even deadlier attack on the US Marines barracks.
1988 and 1989 saw unprecedented chaos. The Parliament failed to elect a successor to President Amine Gemayel (who had replaced his slain brother Bachir in 1982), whose term expired on 23 September. Fifteen minutes before his term expired, Gemayel appointed an interim administration headed by the army commander, General Michel Aoun. His predecessor, Selim al-Hoss, refused to accept his dismissal in Aoun's favour. Lebanon was thus left with no president, two rival governments that feuded for power, and more than 40 private militias.
The 1989 Arab League-sponsored Taif Agreement marked the beginning of the end of the military war, but neither the end of the Syrian occupation nor the economic war against Lebanon. It is estimated that during the 15 year military war more than 100,000 were killed, and 100,000 maimed. The legitimacy of the Taif agreement was contested by a portion of the population who viewed it as means to institutionalize a confessional political system. Popular protests occurred intermittently between 1989 and 1990 in support of the stand taken by the 1989 interim prime minister in Lebanon, General Michel Aoun. The General Michel Aoun demanded the withdrawal of Syrian and Israeli forces as a condition to having free parliamentary elections; the goal of the then-interim government. He contested these two occupations as justified by so-called “internal confessional conflict”, which was more of a series of foreign military manipulations. In October 1990 the Syrian occupation drove the head of the interim government, the General Aoun, into exile to Paris and the Lebanese patriotic movement he led moved underground until the Syrian withdrawal in 2005.
On May 25 2000, Israel unilaterally completed its withdrawal from the south of Lebanon in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 425 of 1978. On September 2, 2004, the United Nations Security Council, recalling previous resolutions, especially 425 (1978), 520 (1982) and 1553 (July 2004), approved Resolution 1559, sponsored by the US and France. The resolution suggests that "all foreign forces should withdraw from Lebanon" to allow for free elections. Although not explicitly mentioned, the aim of the resolution was to invoke a withdrawal of Syrian forces. The enactors of the Taif agreement however did not enact the clause asking the Syrian occupation to withdraw from Lebanon, or heed the UN Security Council’s decision. The Lebanese patriotic movement has intensively lobbied for the withdrawal of the Syrian army from Lebanon since 1989 in governments throughout the western world. This withdrawal was catalyzed in its final stage by the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri in 2005.
The country is recovering from the effects of the war, with foreign investment and tourism on the rise. Syrian forces occupied large areas of the country until April 2005 (see Cedar Revolution below), and Iran exercises heavy influence over Hezbollah forces in the Beqaa Valley and Southern Lebanon. Nevertheless, areas of Lebanon and Beirut in particular are moving toward a sense of normality and stability. Lebanese civil society enjoys significantly more freedoms than elsewhere in the Arab world. After twelve years, the reconstruction of downtown Beirut is largely complete. Lebanon's telecommunication rehabilitation is well underway, and in 2004 and 2005 foreign investment in the country topped $1 billion. Solidere has also announced many projects that will be complete in 2007.
சீடார் புரட்சி (விடுதலைக்கான எழுச்சி)[தொகு]
குறிப்பு: லெபனான் செய்தியகங்கள் விடுதலை எழுச்சி (Intifada) என்று அழைக்கின்றன. ஆனால் மேற்குலக செய்தியகங்கள் சீடார் புரட்சி என்று ("Cedar Revolution") அழைக்கின்றன.
ஃகரீரி கொலை செய்யப்படுதல்[தொகு]
சுமார் 10 ஆண்டுகள் சற்றேறக்குறைய நிலையான அரசியல் நிலவி வந்த பின், பெப்ருவரி (ஃவெப்ருவரி) 14, 2005ல் லெபனானில் முன்னாள் தலைமை அமைச்சர் ரஃவீக் ஃகரீரி Rafik Hariri])ஊர்திக்குண்டு வெடியால் மாண்டார். சிரியா நாடுதான் இதற்குக் காரணம் என்று பரவலாக நம்பப் படுகின்றது.
t is widely believed that Syria was responsible for the attack, due to its extensive military and intelligence presence in Lebanon, and to the public rift between Hariri and Damascus over the Syrian-backed constitutional amendment extending pro-Syrian President Lahoud's term in office. Syria, however, denies any involvement. Some sources also suggest a cover up of criminal evidence by Lebanese authorities, or that Israel was somehow involved to inflame the Syrian-Lebanese situation.
On September 25, 2005, there was a failed assassination attempt on a Lebanese Broadcasting Corp News Anchor, in which May Chidiac lost her left leg below the knee, her left arm was severely injured and was amputated. Since then, May Chidiac won the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize 2006.
The assassination of Hariri resulted in huge anti-Syrian protests by Lebanese citizens in Beirut demanding the resignation of the pro-Syrian government. Following the examples of the Rose Revolution and Orange Revolution in 2004, the popular action was dubbed the "Cedar Revolution" by the US State Department, a name which quickly caught on among the international media. On February 28, 2005, with over 70,000 people demonstrating in Martyrs' Square, Prime Minister Omar Karami and his Cabinet resigned. They remained in office temporarily in a caretaker role prior to the appointment of replacements, as outlined by the constitution.
In response, Hezbollah organized a large counter-demonstration of 1.2 million people , staged on March 8 in Beirut, supporting Syria and accusing Israel and the ஐக்கிய அமெரிக்கா of meddling in internal Lebanese affairs.
On March 14, one month after Hariri's assassination, throngs of people rallied in Martyrs' Square in Lebanon with up to 1.5 million people, . Protestors of all sects (even including a number of Shiites) marched demanding the truth about Hariri's murder and independence from Syrian occupation. The march reiterated their desire for a sovereign, democratic, and unified country, free of Syria's hegemony.
In the weeks following the demonstrations, bombs were detonated in Christian areas near Beirut. Although the damage was mostly material, these acts demonstrate the danger of Lebanon relapsing into sectarian strife.
Eventually, and under pressure from the international community, Syria withdrew its 15,000-strong army troops from Lebanon. The last Syrian uniformed soldier left Lebanon on April 26, 2005. On April 27, 2005, the Lebanese celebrated their first free-from-Syria day.
After weeks of unsuccessful negotiations to form a new government, Prime Minister Omar Karami resigned the post for the third time in his political career on 13 April 2005. Two days later, Najib Mikati, a US-educated millionaire businessman and former Minister of Transportation and Public Works, was appointed Prime Minister-designate. A moderate pro-Syrian, Mikati secured the post through the support of the Opposition, which had previously boycotted such negotiations.
During the first parliamentary elections held after Syria's withdrawal from Lebanon in May 2005, the anti-Syrian coalition of Sunni Muslim, Druze and Christian parties led by Saad Hariri, son of assassinated ex-Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, won a majority of seats in the new Parliament.
The combinations were interesting in that in some areas the anti-Syrian coalition allied with Hezbollah and others with Amal. They did not win the two-thirds majority required to force the resignation of Syrian-appointed President Lahoud voted for by Rafic Hariri parliamentary bloc, due to the unexpectedly strong showing of retired army general Michel Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement party in Mount Lebanon. Aoun is arguably the strongest Christian figure in the new parliament: known previously for his anti-Syrian sentiment, Aoun aligned with politicians who were friendly to the Syrians in the past decade: Soleiman Franjieh Jr and Michel Murr. Their alliance dominated the north and the Metn District of Mount Lebanon. Saad Hariri and Walid Joumblat joined forces with the two staunchly pro-Syrian Shiite movements, Hezbollah and Amal, to secure major wins in the South, Bekaa, and Baabda-Aley district of Mount Lebanon. This alliance proved temporary and the last vestiges of civility between Joumblatt, who has called for the disarmament of Hezbollah, and the Shi'ite coalition came crashing down in December 2005. On February 6, 2006, Hezbollah signed a memorandum of understanding with Michel Aoun.
After the elections, Hariri's Future Movement party, now the country's dominant political force, nominated Fouad Siniora, a former Finance Minister, to be Prime Minister. His newly formed representative government has obtained the vote of confidence from the parliament despite the lack of representation of Gen. Aoun.
On July 18, 2005, Lebanon's newly elected parliament, dominated by an anti-Syrian coalition, approved a motion to free Samir Geagea, who had spent most of the past 11 years in solitary confinement in an underground cell with no access to news. The motion was endorsed by pro-Syrian Lebanese President Emile Lahoud the next day. The following months proved the government's inability to begin the economic and political reforms promised to the people. Little has been done to pull the country out of the economic crisis in which it lingers still. Whilst the government loses credibility, the opposition, mainly comprised of Amal and Hezbollah (who are part of the government) and Gen. Aoun, is growing in popularity, even amongst other comunities than Christians and Shi'as. Since the beginning of May, a series of demonstrations and strikes are beginning to appear, proof of the people's discontent. 
On September 1, 2005, four current and former officials of Lebanon -- the former head of General Security Maj Gen Jamil Sayyad, the former chief of police Maj Gen Ali Hajj, the former military intelligence chief Brig Gen Raymond Azar, and the commander of the Republican Guard Brig Gen Mustafa Hamdan -- were charged in connection with Hariri's assassination.
On October 21, Detlev Mehlis, lead investigator in the UN Hariri Probe, released the report of the investigation. The report said that "many leads point to the direct involvement of Syrian Officials". 
Following the appointment of Mehlis' successor, the Belgian Serge Brammertz, in January 2006 the investigation has taken a different course after the new investigator decided to throw out evidence upon which Melhis had earlier relied. Brammertz' investigation has been conducted in a far more discreet manner and has been marked by a considerable more positive tone between the UN team and Damascus. Brammertz' 30-page report of June 2006 accused no specific party of perpetrating the crime, while asking for the investigation's mandate to be extended for another year .
சிரியப் படைகள் திரும்பிப் போதல்[தொகு]
During the departure ceremonies, Syria's Chief of Staff Gen Ali Habib said that Syria's president had decided to recall his troops after the Lebanese army had been "rebuilt on sound national foundations and became capable of protecting the state."
For information on the crisis with Israel in July 2006, see 2006 Israel-Lebanon crisis.
Lebanon is a republic in which the three highest offices are reserved for members of specific religious groups:
- the President must be a Maronite Catholic Christian.
- the Prime Minister must be a Sunni Muslim, and
- the Speaker of the Parliament must be a Shi'a Muslim.
This arrangement is part of the "National Pact" (Arabic: الميثاق الوطني - al Mithaq al Watani), an unwritten agreement which was established in 1943 during meetings between Lebanon's first president (a Maronite) and its first prime minister (a Sunni), although it was not formalized in the Constitution until 1990, following the Taif Agreement. The pact included a promise by the Christians not to seek French protection and to accept Lebanon's "Arab face", and a Muslim promise to recognize independence and legitimacy of the Lebanese state in its 1920 boundaries and to renounce aspirations for union with Syria. This pact was thought at the time to be an interim compromise, necessary until Lebanon formed its own sense of a national identity. Its continued existence and the fallout from subsequent civil wars continue to dominate politics in Lebanon.
The pact also stipulated that seats in the Parliament would be allocated by religion and region, in a ratio of 6 Christians to 5 Muslims, a ratio based on the 1932 census, which was taken at a time when Christians still had a slight majority. The Taif Agreement adjusted the ratio to grant equal representation to followers of the two religions.
The Constitution grants the people the right to change their government. However, from the mid-1970s until the parliamentary elections in 1992, civil war precluded the exercise of political rights. According to the constitution, direct elections must be held for the parliament every four years. The last parliament election was in 2000; the election due to be held in 2004 was postponed for one year.
The parliament composition is based on more ethnic and religious identities rather than ideological features. The distribution of parliament seats has been modified recently.
வார்ப்புரு:Parliament of Lebanon The Parliament elects the President of the republic to a six-year term. Consecutive terms for the president are forbidden. This constitutional rule has been bypassed by ad-hoc amendment twice in recent history, however, at the urging of the Syrian government. Elias Hrawi's term, which was due to end in 1995, was extended for three years. This procedure was repeated in 2004 to allow Emile Lahoud to remain in office until 2007. Pro-democracy campaigners denounced the moves.
The last presidential election was in 1998. The President appoints the Prime Minister on the nomination of the Parliament. Lebanon has numerous political parties, but their role is less important than in most parliamentary systems. Most represent, in practice if not in theory, sectarian interests; many are little more than ad-hoc lists of candidates endorsed by a well-known national or local figure. Electoral tickets are often formed on a constituency-by-constituency basis by negotiation among local leaders of clans, religious groups, and political parties; these loose coalitions generally exist only for the election and rarely form cohesive blocs in the Parliament subsequently.
Lebanon's judicial system is based on the Napoleonic Code. Juries are not used in trials. The Lebanese court system has three levels - courts of first instance, courts of appeal, and the court of cassation. There also is a system of religious courts having jurisdiction over personal status matters within their own communities, with rules on matters such as marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Lebanese law does not provide for Civil marriage (although it recognizes such marriages contracted abroad); efforts by former President Elias Hrawi to legalize civil marriage in the late 1990s foundered on objections mostly from Muslim clerics.